John Edwards has imbibed the political equivalent of strontium-90, or one of
those other slow-acting poisons mostly used by the KGB in old spy thrillers;
it kills you before you even know it. So while Edwards is out there on the
stump, relying upon enough canned rage to fill a fallout shelter, all I can
think when I see him is, "I see dead people." Whether he takes the electoral
dirt nap in South Carolina or Nevada is unknowable, but go down for the long
count he will.
But Edwards' "ideas" live on. The conviction that government - headed by a
passionate "fighter" - must crack down on big corporations and "special
interests" runs like raging river through the political landscape, from the
ideological backwaters of the Naderite-Kucinich frontier to the steppes of
Lou Dobbsia to the mainstream of Hillaryville and McCaintown and out toward
Mike Huckaburgh and the far horizon of Pat Buchanistan.
But Edwards, for all his handsome simplicity, articulates this vision the
most passionately. In the last New Hampshire Democratic debate, Edwards
attacked Hillary Clinton for her willingness to work with "entrenched
interests." He went on: "Whether you're talking about oil companies, drug
companies, gas companies, whoever - these entrenched interests are literally
stealing our children's future. They have a stranglehold on this democracy
..."
Edwards then explained: "Teddy Roosevelt, a great American president - he
didn't make deals with the monopolies and the trusts. Teddy Roosevelt took
them on, busted the monopolies, busted the trusts. That's what it's going to
take."
Unsurprisingly, that's not right on the facts or the argument. As I document
in my new book, "Liberal Fascism: The Secret History of the American Left
from Mussolini to the Politics of Meaning," the progressives' tale of eager
reformers forcibly bringing Big Business under heel is an enduring myth that
ultimately perpetuates the very problem the crusaders set out to cure.
Let's start with Teddy Roosevelt. According to civics textbooks, Upton
Sinclair and his fellow muckrakers unleashed populist rage against the cruel
excesses of the meatpacking industry, and as a result, Teddy Roosevelt and
his fellow Progressives boldly reined in an industry run amok. The problem
is that it's totally untrue, a fact Sinclair freely acknowledged. "The
Federal inspection of meat was, historically, established at the packers'
request," Sinclair wrote in 1906. "It is maintained and paid for by the
people of the United States for the benefit of the packers."
Or, as historian Gabriel Kolko writes, "The reality of the matter, of
course, is that the big packers were warm friends of regulation, especially
when it primarily affected their innumerable small competitors."
A spokesman for "Big Meat" (as Edwards might call it today) told Congress,
"We are now and have always been in favor of the extension of the
inspection, also to the adoption of the sanitary regulations that will
insure the very best possible conditions." The meatpacking conglomerates
knew that federal inspection would become a marketing tool for their
products - "Quality guaranteed by Uncle Sam," as it were.
Meanwhile, small firms and butchers who'd earned the trust of consumers
would be forced to endure onerous compliance costs, while large firms not
only could absorb those costs more easily but also claim their products were
superior to uncertified meats. This story played itself out repeatedly
during the Progressive Era. Big Steel actually sought out government
regulation because it feared free-market competition. During the New Deal,
FDR supposedly carried on his (distant) cousin Teddy's crusade against the
"malefactors of great wealth." But the truth is that big business often
welcomed government regulation. Clarence Darrow, surveying the National
Recovery Act's record, found that the keystone agency of the New Deal had
served only to help big business.
What progressives, then and now, always fail to recognize is that the more
government meddles in business, the more business meddles in government. The
left thinks the rational response to the bear hug that business has around
government is to hug back twice as hard. The real answer is to let go, let
companies sink or swim. Don't render them "too big to fail" because they
provide health care or other benefits.
All of these people who want to "crack down" on big business are simply
inviting companies into the tent, giving them incentives to buy politicians,
votes and policies. Yes, end the subsidies. But also stop trying to use
business as government by proxy. Of course, some minimal standards of
conduct need to be enforced. But beyond that, it's better to treat business
like bees. If you don't bother them, they won't bother you.
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